Following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officers, several members of the Jewell community have been involved in Black Lives Matter activism, as well as standing against racism and police brutality. The following article features multimedia content and interviews with a few Jewell alumni and students who have attended recent protests against police brutality in the Kansas City area.

Elise Villarreal, senior English and theater major, attended Kansas City protests at the Country Club Plaza the weekend of May 30. She filmed a video depicting police arresting an unarmed protester and pepper-spraying members of the protest around the arrested man. This video has since gone viral and gotten over 8.4 million views. Villarreal posted other videos of the protest in the same Twitter thread that also depicted police aggression. 

These videos can be viewed below.

CONTENT WARNING: physical assault, strong language

Villarreal was also injured in the protest. After being hit by a police baton from an officer arresting another protester, Villareal’s hand was broken in two places. In an interview with KSHB, she remarked that while she might want an apology from the Kansas City Police Department (KCPD), she ultimately just wants to see an end to police brutality. 

Villarreal’s videos from the Plaza protest have been shared by multiple major news media organizations – including local media, like The Kansas City Star and KSHB, national media, like BuzzFeed News and Last Week Tonight, and international media, like the Daily Mail.

Talia Zook, ‘19, went to the protest in the afternoon of Sunday, May 31 with friends she had met through her job at City Year. Zook estimated that hundreds of protesters were in attendance. Several brought first aid supplies, water, snacks and poster board for others at the protest.

Though Zook was present at the protest well before curfew, she noted that the KCPD were already brandishing weapons, holding tear gas in hand, stockpiling zip-tie handcuffs and stationing snipers in towers around the Plaza. 

Furthermore, she recounted the officers’ stoic presence as protesters implored them to demonstrate that their messages were being heard. 

“The police presence was emotionless, and therefore cold. We threw out multiple opportunities for them to show they were there to acknowledge us, not to just enforce rules for us. ‘Nod your head in solidarity if black lives matter!’ ‘Take a knee with us!’ ‘At least acknowledge us!’ The cops were looking through everyone, aside from the handful of protestors who were either walking up and down the line leading chants, or engaging in 1:1 conversations with them. It seemed as though they would only listen to what you had to say if you walked up and stood in front of their face. Something a lot of us were not willing to risk, but we fortunately were among people who were,” Zook said.

Zook also attended the counter-protest to the KCPD’s unity march, which occurred Wednesday, June 3 at the Plaza. 

This time, because curfew had been lifted, Zook arrived in the evening, at about 7:30 p.m. As midnight approached, two distinct, sizable groups of protesters either marched or protested in front of the cop line.  

“Police presence was much more threatening this time, and I think it was just because we were there at night,” Zook said. “They were everywhere. Stacked, armed and poised for violence. Having been on the line that was in front of cops for some time before we left, all I saw was intimidation.”

Zook described what was effectively a standoff between police and protesters, with police demanding that protesters stay out of the street and away from the cop line. Police placed caution tape across the whole intersection and blocked off surrounding streets with their cars. Though protesters asked for the police to explain why they could not enter the streets, police did not respond.

“They also repeatedly asked protestors to keep their distance from the cops and back up. Mind you, there was a solid five feet between our line and theirs, with the exception of chant-leaders and individuals who wanted to share their stories with the officers who would listen. I heard the story of a man who’s best friend was sentenced to 12 years in prison for raping a white girl, even though there was no evidence of assault. She had one bruise on her leg, and that’s all they needed to convict his best friend to 12 years. It was really sad to hear, but it was also intriguing to see the way the cops reacted to his story because I felt it was very telling. There was sympathy in their response, but it almost seemed forced. It was like they recognized the tragedy, but still couldn’t believe any of their coworkers would have done that,” Zook said.

Zook’s last interaction on this night was with a police officer who was stationed with a colleague outside of a Main Street QuikTrip. As Zook’s friend walked inside to get a drink, she repeatedly said to them, “silence is consent to murder.” After she went inside, the officer said, “Yeah, we’re not doing that here.” 

Zook, who was sitting in her car with the windows down observing this, recounted the conversation she had with the officer after her friend walked inside:

Zook: “We aren’t doing what here, sir?”

Cop: “Protesting. This is private property.”

Zook: “Who is protesting?”

Cop: silent

Zook: “Who is protesting?”

Cop: silent

Zook: “Who, is, protesting?”

Cop: “You heard me.”

Zook: “Alright, well I’m gonna go ahead and say whatever the f*ck I want to on this private property then. Get your public job off of this property since it’s so private.”

Cop: “Alright, well I have spray.”

Zook: “Ohhhhhhh, you’re mad huh? I just made you mad, didn’t I?”

Zook began joking with nearby protesters who had been observing about how quickly the officer became upset.

“[I]t was honestly very comical to me how he was upset enough by my words to threaten me. He was completely proving the point of the whole movement,” Zook said. “I continued to laugh and joke with the people in the car next to me as my friend came back outside, and then we saw the cop go inside and grab his pepper spray can from behind the counter. He was no longer able to look at us, but he came back outside with it in hand, shaking it as if he was preparing to use it. I decided to leave since we had everything we needed from the store, to which we received a very sarcastic, high school-like ‘GOODBYYYEEEEE!’ from the cops. I made sure to let cops know up the road that their coworker was at the QT intimidating protestors with spray. I don’t believe it was received, but I do know they heard me.” 

Brendan Davison, ‘20, attended both the Saturday, May 30 protest at the Plaza and the Sunday, May 31 protest at the Kansas City, Kan., Municipal Court House.

Davison described the varying forms of support shown by protesters at the Plaza. Posters said anything from “Black Lives Matter” and “Justice for George Floyd” to listing the names of various black victims of police violence – even on a local level. Protesters chanted mantras with similar themes, including “Black lives matter,” “No justice, no peace” and “Say his name.”

Davison noted that, in addition to being much more well-attended and having a larger police presence, the protest at the Plaza was characterized by more tension and confrontation than the protest he attended at the Municipal Court House in Kansas. The latter protest focused on more local issues of injustice and brought in community leaders from political, activist and religious circles to make public addresses to attendees.

Discussing the police presence at the Plaza protest, Davison said that police often resorted to aggressive measures when protesters stepped off the west-facing curb by the JC Nichols Memorial Fountain into the closed-off JC Nichols Parkway. Officers often used pepper spray to stun those who did so before making arrests. Davison recalled witnessing one of the individuals who had stepped off the curb backed into a car, thrown on the ground and arrested by advancing police officers who were attempting to push protesters back out of the street. 

“Because of their aggressive attitude towards the protests, I lay the blame for the violence, property destruction and general chaos that occurred on Saturday evening, after I left, on the KCPD, as the violence committed by some protesters was an escalating response to the aggression by the police. The police made no attempts at de-escalation, and instead resorted to physical force and intimidation from the outset. It also comes as no surprise that the ‘riots’ only began after the police deployed tear gas at 8 p.m., given the use of tear gas is often associated with not suppressing riots, but making riots more violent. For these reasons, I would classify this weekend’s events not as a violent protest, but as a police riot,” Davison said. 

As a long-time member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), Davison has opposed racism, police brutality and white supremacy and supported movements like Black Lives Matter for years. His local chapter of DSA has a prison abolition working group that has enabled Davison to be engaged in matters promoting racial equality and criminal justice reform. Some of their initiatives include compiling reports on the conditions of the Jackson County jail and advocating the abolition of cash bail in Kansas City. One of their partners is Reale Justice Network, which has set up a cash bail fund for local protesters who were arrested by police.

“One thing I did seek to draw attention to this weekend is promoting Irish American solidarity with the black community. As an Irish-American myself, I am gravely disappointed with many in the Irish-American community, who uphold and defend the system of white supremacy. As someone who identifies heavily with the Irish Republican tradition, I struggle to see how people so proud of their Irish heritage and Irish resistance to English imperialism and rule, cannot see the parallels between the treatment of the Irish by the English and the treatment of Black Americans by the police,” Davison said.

Shae Crane, senior elementary education major, attended the June 5 protest at Kansas City’s City Hall. Crane remarked that this protest was quite peaceful and that she did not witness any instances of police aggression.

“This protest was very peaceful compared to the protest[s] I have seen on the news,” Crane said. “We [stood] in front of City Hall and listened to various speakers then once the speakers were over we moved in front of the police headquarters. That’s when police in riot gear and military officers started to funnel out of the police headquarters building and form a wall between the protestors and the building. A few chants I remember were ‘Why are you in riot gear? I don’t see a riot here.’ ‘Hands up, Don’t shoot.’ ‘Say their names, ‘Breonna Taylor’ ‘George Floyd.’”

To Crane’s estimation, this protest was well-attended, with the City Hall courtyard effectively filled with protesters. Once the march began, passersby contributed by honking, if in cars, or stopping to join in chants.

In addition to attending this protest, Crane has shown her support for the cause in several other ways.

“I have been signing various petitions, sharing informational articles and attending protests. I also posted my story as a biracial woman in America and some of the situations and experiences I have been through,” Crane said.

Jamie Briscoe, senior chemistry major, attended the Saturday, May 30 Kansas City Plaza protest. Describing the tone of the protest, he shared that an overarching ambivalence of emotions – namely, unease, fear and courage – filled the atmosphere.

“You get to see all sides of humanity during something like this; you have people standing in front of the protest who are face to face with police in all their riot gear, something that took more courage than I have ever needed. Everyone is in an extremely emotionally raw state due to the extreme adrenaline there. There are also people who are responsible for seeking out those who’ve been injured and helping them get proper medical care, be it from tear gas, rubber bullets, or the crowd trampling them as they retreat from the police. There are also less positive things you will see. I watched cowards stand 50 feet away, hiding behind other people as they threw rocks or water bottles in an attempt to incite a police response. This was almost always met with rounds of protesters trying desperately to stop them, and keep the police from unleashing even more tear gas,” Briscoe said.

In terms of the police presence at the Saturday protest, Briscoe noted that protesters far outnumbered police officers, but each officer was fully equipped with riot gear, including mace, sandbag bullets, shields, tear gas and flashbangs. 

Briscoe was tear-gassed by police twice during the protest. The first time, police deployed tear gas in response to a car that had been set on fire – which Briscoe had not been a part of – in an effort to prevent rioters from causing more damage. 

“The second time I was gassed, however, was a result of what I think was police handling the situation poorly. Me and a group of several people had kneeled to chant about 10 feet from one line of cops in gear, when cops behind us shot tear gas. This was especially painful because it meant we could not get rid of the canister before it had released all of its harmful chemicals, and so all of us kneeling had to run blindly to safety,” Briscoe said. “My friend who I had gone with was so disoriented by the pain and blindness that he accidentally ran towards the cops in fear; they responded by shoving him to the ground and yelling for him to get back while he yelled and wretched.”

This was Briscoe’s first time attending a protest, though he has shown support in other forms to related causes in the past. In a final statement, he emphasized the importance of actively engaging in efforts to resist injustice and oppression.

“My final point is only to say this: White silence is violence. If you are disinterested in supporting minority groups, you are allowing oppression to continue and benefit you. Everybody go protest and be a part of the positive change, the experience is not only vital to help these movements succeed, the personal growth you can feel is immense,” Briscoe said.

*Quotes have been reformatted to follow Monitor style guidelines.

Brendan Davison is a senior political science and history major. He is the co-chair of the Young Democratic Socialists Association (YDSA), a political organization on campus. Davison can often be seen on campus with a flag in hand, which prompted him to write an article titled ¨Confessions of the William Jewell flag guy.¨

Here is a look at Davison’s busy schedule.

7 a.m. – Wake up time 

This process is a rather laborious one for Davison, seeing as he attempts to ignore his alarm clock for as long as he can before begrudgingly getting out of bed. Afterward Davison checks his social media and email. Davison´s new reason to check his email stems from the fact that he recently emailed multiple political organizations, both national and international, in order to ask for flags that represent their cause. Then Davison gets dressed and grabs the things he needs for his day, which sometimes includes a flag. 

8 a.m. – Breakfast in the cafeteria 

9 a.m. – Go to the debate room – where Davison has a cushy office that serves as the headquarters of YDSA – to do last minute assignments and read news articles.

11 a.m.-3 p.m. – Classes, with lunch in between

3 p.m. – Go back to the debate room, work on assignments, or waste time with YouTube.

4 p.m. – Davison usually enjoys reading articles or books, though most of the things he reads are for his classes. For his leisure reading Davison enjoys articles from the Jacobin Magazine or the Intercept. Davison also listens to ambient music at this time. 

5 p.m. – Dinner time 

6 p.m. – Readings for class or group meetings. YDSA meets Wednesdays. 

8 p.m. – Return to dorm room and tidy it up. 

9 p.m. – Shower and prepare for bed. 

10 p.m. – Get in bed and fall asleep reading or watching videos. 
Whenever he has free time Davison makes YouTube videos for his account SunflowerSocialist, canvases for Bernie Sanders and attends political demonstrations or events. He attends meetings of the local Democratic Socialists of America chapter a few times a month. On the weekends he works at HyVee.

The fourth and final season of the Amazon Prime alternate history and sci-fi show “The Man in the High Castle” was released Nov. 15. The fourth season continues the show’s penchant for clever historical references and homages, complex characters, incredible production designs and ambiguous tone, all the way to the show’s final scene. This final season has divided viewers and critics but is a satisfying conclusion to an enrapturing series. 

The show is based on the Phillip K. Dick book of the same name, and while it deviates heavily from the source material, it remains faithful to the work in its themes, tone and some major plot points. The show is set in a universe where Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan win the Second World War. I started watching the show when it first came out and was hooked immediately. The show balances many concurrent plots and can be confusing for new viewers. I highly recommend that readers go and watch the first three seasons of “The Man in the High Castle” before reading further, as there will be spoilers for the first three seasons. There will also be hints at spoilers for the new season.

The new season is easily the darkest of the series and starts off immediately where season three left off. Juliana Crane – played by Alexa Davalos – escapes from captivity by traveling to the parallel universe, right as Reichsmarschall John Smith – played by Rufus Sewell – shoots her. While Season 3 ended on an ambiguous note, with viewers unsure if the shot killed Juliana, we learn that she has only been wounded and successfully travels, only to be found by this alternate universe’s version of Smith. The show then jumps to one year later. Trade Minister Tagomi – played by Cary-Hiroyuki Tagawa – has recently been assassinated, and Inspector Kido – played by Joel de la Fuente – is tasked with investigating his murder. Smith’s wife, Helen, still reeling from the loss of her son, has taken their daughters and fled the Reich, living in the Neutral Zone. Hawthorne Abendsen, the titular Man in the High Castle, is still in captivity, and Wyatt Prince is leading resistance in the neutral zone.

The new season has left some of its less impactful plotlines by the wayside, many of which were resolved rather well at the end of Season 3. The loss of Tagomi, however, who had been a major character from the first episode, feels like a waste, as many roles he may have played are now pushed onto newer characters, leaving his arch incomplete. 

At the end of Season 3 it is heavily implied that the driving element of the series going forward will be the multi-verse and the Nazi’s portal into the multiverse, Die niebenwelt. Instead, this element of the plot is sidelined to focus more on the elements within the main universe, with the alternate universe and portal acting more as McGuffin’s and tools for character development. This is especially important for Crane, who is in the alternate universe at the season’s beginning, and Smith, who travels there after his alternate self is killed by a Nazi agent. 

Smith’s plotline is easily the most fascinating and satisfying of the series. Rufus Sewell’s performance is superb, and the contrast of the Smith we’ve grown to know over the past seasons and the alternate universe’s version of him gives us new insights into the character’s motivations and emotions, which have long been conflicted and ambiguous to the viewers. His progression from a more one-dimensional antagonist in the first season to a complex and multifaceted character is easily the most well written and performed plotline in the series. Helen Smith’s progression from a side character in the first two seasons to a major character in her own right only makes this plotline more interesting. 

We are also introduced to a new resistance group in the Japanese Pacific States called the Black Communist Rebellion, which is quickly established as a major concern facing the Japanese forces. The BCR is very clearly based on the real-life Black Power movement of the 1960s and is led by a man named Equiano Hampton, a clever reference to 19th century abolitionist Olaudah Equiano, and Black Panther leader Fred Hampton. The BCR quickly establishes itself as one of the best subplots in the series and comes to play a significant role in the finale. 

I don’t want to go into details on the show’s conclusions, but as someone who has watched the show from the beginning, I found the conclusion satisfying. It was difficult to see how the show would end, and I couldn’t see any route to a completely happy ending. I knew that some questions would need to be left unanswered. I found the conclusion to be rather ambiguous, but I was happy that it was not completely definitive. While the multiverse element played a much smaller role than I anticipated, I was happy that they focused more on the alternate history aspects of the show, which were always the most intriguing.

For new viewers, the show will likely be confusing, but in the context of the preceding seasons, it is certainly a satisfying conclusion to a very engaging show. While it is not without its flaws, it is certainly one of the best shows I’ve seen in recent years, and I highly recommend it to anyone who enjoys history or science fiction, complex and ambiguous characters and incredible set design.   

When Trump was booed and a banner saying “Impeach Trump” was unfurled at Nationals Park during Game 5 of the World Series, many online decried the action and said we need to keep politics out of sports. Many Americans like to think of politics and sports as being neatly separated. Many stadiums, including Kauffman Stadium, explicitly ban banners and signs that contain political material. But the Nationals fans might be onto something that has been missing from American sports for too long: political fan culture.

I’m sure more than a few people have already rolled their eyes – or even closed this tab – because this idea is almost an anathema to American sports fans. Politics and sports should be separate, just ignore the military flyovers, national anthem before the game and other displays of American nationalism. But I don’t want to discuss these elements as much as I want to discuss fan culture. 

Politics as a part of fandom is really a form of organic fan culture. Team managers and owners typically do not endorse it and often seek to suppress it. Instead, it develops from within the fan base and is reflected in the symbols they embrace, the chants they use and the songs they sing. It also often manifests as protests against team management. Typically it emerges out of the political and social ideas of the fan base or a small part of the fan base. This seldom manifests as support for a party, organization or candidate. Instead, it gravitates toward broader ideological positions and displays of support for causes and movements.

This is especially true for soccer teams. Many soccer teams around the world originated as local clubs for the community, usually centered around public schools or churches, especially among the urban working class. Because the teams’ origins are in the community, fans feel a sense of ownership and have been able to develop the fan culture themselves. Liverpool Football Club in England, Celtic FC in Scotland, FC St. Pauli in Germany, AS Livorno in Italy, AEK Athens in Greece, Hapoel Tel-Aviv in Israel and Boca Juniors in Argentina are generally considered left-wing teams. Chelsea FC in England, SS Lazio in Italy and Beitar Jerusalem in Israel are generally considered right-wing. Other teams are identified with a specific side in a particular political divide, and this often plays into sports rivalries. FC Barcelona is associated with Catalan nationalism and separatism, while Real Madrid is associated with Spanish unionism. 

However, political fan culture is not limited to soccer, although it is most apparent there. The rivalry between the Montreal Canadiens and the Toronto Maple Leaves has a political undercurrent, reflecting the divide between French Canadians and English Canadians and the Quebec sovereigntist and nationalist movements. None of this means that all fans of these teams are politically aligned, and there is certainly a diversity of political thought among fans.

It should be acknowledged that at times political fan culture can stray into the fringes, and in a dark way. SS Lazio has a disturbingly large minority of fascist supporters who wave swastika flags, give Nazi salutes and shout racist and anti-semitic chants during matches. Beitar Jerusalem has been dubbed “Israel’s most racist team,” and fan clubs have been connected to a number of incidents of racist violence. In England, the Chelsea Headhunters are a gang of neo-Nazi Chelsea fans who regularly attack minorities and fans of rival teams. Sports leagues in the United States are no strangers to violence and racism either, but vile conduct is by no means universal to all leagues and teams.

Political fan culture has failed to develop in the United States in comparison to abroad in large part because of the extreme commercialization of sports. While soccer teams abroad grew out of community sports clubs, baseball and football teams were established by businessmen. American sports leagues are first and foremost business ventures, not governing bodies for sports. As a result, fans don’t feel the same level of control over the teams that many soccer fans abroad do. In Germany, fans are required by law to own a controlling share of teams. In the United States, only one professional sports team, the Green Bay Packers, is owned by the fans. This has restricted the development of organic forms of fan culture, with team owners and league officials cultivating it for fans instead. Politics are naturally controversial and bad for business. As a result, leagues and teams seek to stamp out this form of organic fan culture. 

Sadly, this is one problem in the NFL we can’t blame solely on Roger Goodell.

Despite this, things are beginning to change, and we are starting to see political fan culture develop. The growing popularity of Major League Soccer has led to the emergence of fan groups that are explicitly anti-racist, anti-fascist and promote radical inclusivity, like the Fountain City Ultras here in Kansas City. This development has already brought fans into conflict with the League Front Desk. When the MLS updated it code of conduct at the start of this last season, prohibiting political displays, a group of Portland Timbers Fans were banned for three games by the league after waving flags with the three arrows – an anti-fascist symbol. In response, fans from nearly every team in the league launched the #AUnitedFront campaign to oppose the rules and the ban, and fans from rival teams began openly flaunting the MLS rules by waving anti-fascist flags during games. Fans united to stand up to the league and declare they were no longer going to allow the fan culture to be dictated by commercial interests. 

While the recent events at Game 5 could be just a one-off event, the fact that the crowd joined in the chant, rather than simply a few fans who brought the banner, tells me this is part of something bigger. 

“I think this is huge for DC,” a jubilant fan being interviewed by Fox 5 DC said after the National’s victory in Game 7.  “DC needed this. We got some asshole in the f****** White House.” 

I’m hopeful that this is the start of a burgeoning political fan culture in baseball. Maybe next season someone at the K will have a sign saying “Royals Fans Against Racism.” And hopefully, the Royals will also have a better season.