France is entering one of the most turbulent phases of its Fifth Republic. President Emmanuel Macron’s second term, beginning in 2022, has been marked by legislative gridlock, spiraling debt and a deep constitutional crisis. In June of 2024, Macron dissolved the National Assembly triggering early elections that left parliament fragmented and nearly ungovernable. Under the French Constitution, the president may dissolve the National Assembly and call new elections. This power is rarely exercised, as effective governance typically requires a stable majority in the Assembly. In 2024, however, Macron’s lack of parliamentary support provided the rationale for dissolution, as he hoped to secure a broader coalition. Instead, the resulting legislative elections plunged France into deeper political turmoil. In less than 15 months, three prime ministers have succeeded one another at the Hôtel de Matignon (The prime minister’s official office) each tasked with maintaining the cohesion of a Macronist project that has long lost its popular and parliamentary success. In such a context, what does France’s immediate political future look like?

Sébastien Lecornu: Chaos as a Political Strategy

A few weeks ago, ex-Prime Minister François Bayrou was ousted from the government after losing a confidence vote. Bayrou called for this confidence vote as a last-ditch act of desperation. Indeed, his budget proposal was deeply unpopular, and Bayrou feared being ousted through a vote of no confidence initiated by the deputies themselves. He chose instead to take the initiative and directly test the Assembly’s support for his proposal. Lacking a majority and with no clear plans to form a coalition, this move proved politically suicidal, and few understood how he expected to benefit from it. Unsurprisingly, Bayrou lost the vote of confidence. 

However, it took Macron only one day to appoint his new protégé: Sébastien Lecornu. Macron’s new prime minister, described by the French journal Le Nouvel Obs as “ Macron’s favorite” has become Macron’s longest-serving high-level ally, weathering all the government changes since Macron’s first term in 2017. He is a product of Macron’s center right liberal style of governance, and he will most certainly continue to support Macron’s pro-market “supply-side economics.” Lecornu is tasked with protecting the president’s liberal economic reforms—cutting capital taxes, easing labor regulations, and prioritizing competitiveness—while managing an increasingly hostile and fractured parliament.

His appointment highlights the growing divide between the French left and Macron’s market-driven economic agenda. The PS (Socialist Party) , emboldened by its recent electoral successes, advocates for higher taxes on wealth and corporations in order to fund public services and combat income inequality. Lecornu, on the other hand, is expected to protect the status quo and defend the interests of industrial groups. His critics argue that his rhetoric skews heavily to the right and raises concerns about his ability to find compromise on social issues.

Lecornu faces an unenviable balancing act. He must defend Macron’s pro-market reforms, reassure investors worried about France’s rising debt and negotiate with opposition parties on both political extremes to pass even basic legislation. Some analysts expect him to double down on constitutional shortcuts while others predict that he will attempt limited compromises with the left on social protection and public services issues in order to stabilize his government. In any case, the impression that Macron is governing in chaos will likely persist.

A polarized National Assembly

The French National Assembly has not been so divided in decades. As previously noted, Macron’s center-right no longer holds a legislative majority, and the assembly is now divided between a fragmented left that struggles to find compromises with a weakened Macronist bloc, and a rising far right that seems to gain public legitimacy in the face of this political crisis. Legislative gridlock has become commonplace, with budget bills and key reforms regularly blocked or watered down. Instead of forming cross-party coalitions, Macron and his former prime ministers are increasingly resorting to constitutional tools such as Article 49.3, which allows the executive to pass bills without parliamentary consent, reinforcing accusations of abuse of power by the executive.

Who is to blame?

Responsibility for the political crisis in France is the subject of widespread debate. Critics, such as former Prime Minister in the mid 2000s Dominique de Villepin, argue that the problem lies less with the institutions than with Macron’s style of governance. According to them, the president has shifted from the role of impartial arbiter to that of a hyper-presidential “monarch,” centralizing decision-making and sidelining Parliament. This approach, they say, has eroded public trust and strengthened the extremes.

Public opinion

French citizens themselves are divided over the nation’s political future. Polls show widespread frustration with the high cost of living, pension reform, and what many see as the government’s arrogance. In addition, a recent poll by the Odoxa institute showed that 69% of French people believe Sébastien Lecornu is not fit to govern France. The polarization within Parliament is also reflected in public opinion: while left-wing voters are calling for higher taxes on the rich and increased social investment, right-wing voters favor immigration controls and measures to maintain public order.

Conclusion: A Republic in shambles?

The lack of a unifying agenda has created fertile ground for the far right, particularly the National Rally, which has positioned itself as the authentic voice of disillusioned voters and could well become the leading political force in France in the coming years. As Macron’s second term enters its final stretch, the central question remains: Will Sébastien Lecornu succeed in transforming chaos into consensus, or will his term mark the definitive failure of the centrist experiment in France?

Photo by Bo Zhang via Uplash.

Sept. 8, 2024 marked the end of an olympic summer in Paris. The stakes were high, as Paris had not previously hosted the Olympics since 1924. Between broken records and social unrest, let’s dive into my main takeaways from Paris 2024!

1. Marketing in Paris

Paris has been in the spotlight all summer with these Olympic Games, which have shown Paris in a spectacular and elegant light. Indeed, it all began on the very first day with the ceremony on the Seine, which despite the rain sent out a strong message to the whole world. The urban marketing worked, and the visual spectacle outshone the sport, with the use of mythical sites such as the gardens of the Château de Versailles, the Eiffel Tower and the Palais Garnier. The magnificent city of Paris was worthily represented, and as a reward, 12 million spectators from all over the world attended the games–an all-time record. 

2. 126 Medals for Team USA

The American delegation was sparkling this year, taking a well-deserved first place on the medal table in terms of overall medals won. Once again, the USA demonstrated the power of sport as soft power, and this dominance only seems to be increasing. This year, the USA won 13 more medals than at the last Olympic Games in Tokyo, with a total of 126 medals, including 40 gold, (equalling China in the number of gold medals, but with a greater number of medals overall).

3. Paralympics: a catalyst for change

The Olympic summer came to a close with two exciting weeks of Paralympic Games, marked by an all-time record for the largest number of participating delegations. The sporting performances were once again breathtaking, but the real challenge of the Paris Paralympic Games was to raise public awareness. Indeed, the Games served as a bridge to create a sense of unity not only between different countries but also with communities of people with disabilities. Some politicians even asked themselves how they could do more to help those living with disabilities. Valérie Pécresse, a French politician, expressed her desire to renovate Parisian transport systems to adapt them to be fully accessible. That’s what the Paralympic Games are all about: bringing us closer to isolated communities and inspiring positive change.

4.  When sports meets business

As with every Olympics, money is king, and the Olympics were particularly expensive, costing in excess of 10 billion euros. Indeed, with such a huge investment, the French government confiscated over a hundred student housing units for more than 3 months, and increased the cost of bus and metro tickets by almost 2.5 times the normal amount. These controversial decisions gave rise to numerous demonstrations and social demands.

5.  Hypocrisy in the land of human rights 

Every Olympiad brings its share of controversy, and this year’s Olympics were no exception. France has a reputation for openness, yet Muslim athletes were banned from wearing the hijab (a sign of belonging to Islam). This ban has also been criticized as anti-feminist. Further fueling these concerns, Steven Van de Vede, a Dutch volleyball player convicted on three counts of rape involving a minor, was allowed to participate in the Olympics. Although, the opening ceremony showed France to be a country of love and tolerance, these contradictions have been believed by many to run counter to the very spirit of sport.

Honorable Mention: Snoop Dogg, Paris Olympics true mascot

World-famous artist Snoop Dog made a sensational contribution to the magic of the Olympic Games. Snoop Dogg was hired by NBC as a presenter to cover certain sporting events, as well as a promoter for the Olympic Games. He seemed to be everywhere, and his charisma and humor brought a lot of levity. His energy was so iconic that these Olympics will be remembered as part of Snoop Dog’s legacy.

I still distinctly remember the feeling of arriving at the Heathrow Airport in London. I was filled with a combination of fear, anticipation and excitement. After preparing for the past two years at William Jewell College, it was finally time for the pinnacle of my Oxbridge experience — a full year of study abroad at the University of Oxford. Even after living in Washington D.C. by myself in the summer, I still felt unprepared for the new challenges that awaited me in Oxford.

Settling into a new country was a completely foreign experience to me, and the first few days presented several challenges. First, I had to figure out how to use my cellphone, adjust to the currency changes and learn how to navigate the city. After overcoming these initial adjustments, my first term had arrived and I was thrust into a new educational system. At Oxford, there were three academic terms and each term I took two tutorials each term, which are individualized and intimate classes with one tutor and a few students. My educational experience at Oxford was much different from Jewell, where I only had one tutorial and a busy course load. As the year progressed, I came to appreciate the tutorial system, since my days were much more free for me to focus on my studies, explore the city and pursue extracurriculars. 

Most of my days were filled with studying in beautiful historic libraries asI only had class once or twice a week. My favorite library was the Radcliffe Camera, which is one of Oxford’s most iconic buildings. I also enjoyed exploring the coffee shops in Oxford, with Peloton Espresso being my favorite. Being an Oxford student has so many perks, including the amazing catalog of books and journals that are readily accessible to students and the lecture series offered by world-famous academics. I enjoyed the benefits that tutorials offered as I was able to receive more individualized instruction and also was able to take tutorials on topics that aren’t offered at Jewell, such as Development Economics, Feminist Theory, and Politics in China.

As a visiting student at Mansfield College in Oxford, I was able to find a vibrant and tight-knit community. During the year, I participated in rowing which was much harder than I anticipated, but gave me opportunities to meet other students and stay in shape. I also participated in academic extracurriculars since Oxford has a variety and multitude of student organizations and societies that encompass almost any interest you can imagine. I was able to continue my interest in student journalism through writing and editing for the Oxford Blue, the student newspaper. One of my favorite experiences was attending the Oxford Women in Business sustainable fashion show as a reporter and conducting an Instagram takeover for the event. I also was a committee member for the Oxford Society for International Development, which gave me amazing opportunities to meet speakers and academics in the field of sustainable development as well as like-minded students. Attending debates and speaker events at the Oxford Union, a historic and world-renowned student society that brings in public figures and academics to Oxford, was one of the most exciting aspects of being an Oxford student. I had the opportunity to hear Malala Yousafzai, a famous education activist, speak, which was phenomenal.

Socially, I found the culture at Oxford to be inviting and very student-oriented. Unlike the U.S. campus culture, there was more of an emphasis on formal events, which required black-tie attire. Mansfield held social events such as weekly formal dinners, which were four-course formal meals and also regularly hosted BOPs (big organized parties). One of my favorite events was Champagne and Chocolates, which was hosted for Mansfield students and featured drinks, chocolate and live jazz. In the summer, I attended the Oxford Union ball which was so much fun. It featured live music, an open bar, food trucks, carnival games and so many other features. Meeting a variety of students from across the world was one of the coolest aspects of studying abroad at Oxford, I was able to meet and form friendships with people who I never would’ve met.

Traveling around Europe was my favorite part about studying abroad. After spending Christmas break in the U.S. with my family, I went on a trip with one of my best friends from home to visit London, Paris, Cologne and Brussels. Some of my favorite memories from that trip are dining in Eiffel Tower, going to the Louvre, eating Belgian chocolate and watching “Les Miserables” in London. During spring break, my family came to visit me in Oxford and we also traveled around the UK in Ireland and Scotland. Edinburgh was one of my favorite cities with breathtaking architecture. I also loved the castles in Ireland and Scotland. After that, I went on a month-long vacation with friends I had made at Mansfield. We went to Italy, Croatia and the Netherlands. Some of the most memorable experiences were going to the Trevi fountain, the Vatican and the Pantheon in Italy. I also loved exploring the beautiful cities of Dubrovnik and Split in Croatia and the cool canals in Amsterdam.

To anyone that is considering studying abroad, I would wholeheartedly recommend it. Besides the amazing travel opportunities, living abroad teaches you life lessons on problem-solving and adapting to change. I also think that it teaches valuable lessons on how to live independently and cultivate relationships with people who are different from you. To those who are nervously anticipating their study abroad year, don’t stress yourself out too much since it’ll all work out and the hard adjustment period is worth the life-changing experiences you’ll have. I would also advise you to remain open-minded to the experiences you’ll have and not be afraid to try things that are out of your comfort zone.

Critics allege recent amendments approved by France’s Senate to an anti-separatism bill infringe on civil liberties and reflect rising Islamophobia among French political elites. 

The amendments were offered to a broader anti-separatism bill backed by French President Emmanuel Macron in response to recent terrorist attacks. The bill is intended to strengthen France’s policy of strict secularism. In particular, the French political elites widely viewed the murder of Samuel Paty, a public school teacher executed by 18-year-old Abdoullakh Anzorov after using cartoons of the Prophet Muhammed in a class, as an attack on France’s secularist tradition. 

The Senate-approved amendments include controversial provisions that would ban girls under the age of 18 from wearing a hijab and prohibit hijab-wearing parents from accompanying school trips. Critics condemn the bill for regulating girls’ bodies and also question the age demarcation in the Senate amendment, noting that the Senate recently backed a bill to impose 15 as the age of consent in France. 

To be enacted, the amendments would have to be approved by France’s lower parliamentary house, the National Assembly. The amendments face uncertain prospects in the Assembly where Macron’s La République En Marche! Party holds the largest bloc of seats. However, the party and Macron’s rightward shift in the last few months fuel concern.

Even if the amendments were to be included by the National Assembly in the final bill, experts contend that they would likely be struck down by France’s constitutional council. 

Lurking in the background of this debate is a charged political environment about France’s secularist tradition and the looming presidential election in 2022. 

Like the United States, France’s Constitution requires religious neutrality on the part of the state. This tradition in France is known as laïcité. Laïcité is a term commentators have struggled to translate into English. Its intended purpose is to impose a strict separation between religion and public policy. Different historical and cultural experiences underpin the American and French conceptions of the separation of religion and state.

Both originate in the intellectual ferment of the Enlightenment. Whereas the historical roots of the American principle of separation of church and state are rooted in a conception of individual religious freedom, laïcité is rooted in the idea of collective freedom from religious domination. In the French context, laïcité is historically identified as being in opposition to the traditionally powerful role that the Catholic Church played in France. 

During the convulsions of the French Revolution, the first glimpses of a laïcité policy are visible in legislation advanced in 1795 but were quickly discarded in the midst of political turmoil. 

The policy would resurface after the dissolution of the Second French Empire and the formation of the French Third Republic in 1870. Opponents of the Catholic Church’s continuing role in French politics successfully passed a version of laïcité in 1905 and the principle has largely proven a pillar of the French political system since. Both the Constitution of Fourth Republic and the current Fifth Republic enshrine laïcité. 

Though the policy was initially entrenched as a bulwark against Catholic influence, as France’s Muslim population has grown to one of the largest in Europe, fraught debates began between Islam and laïcité in French society. This ongoing debate between laïcité and Islam has drawn repeated accusations of Islamophobia on the part of the French government by critics in the past 30 years.

In seeking election in 2017 and during his first years in office, Macron cultivated a personal image as a political moderate and social liberal. However, following Islamist-inspired terrorist attacks, Macron has shifted towards the right.

To orchestrate and serve as a symbol of this governmental shake-up, Macron elevated Gérald Darmanin, a youthful lightning rod of French conservatism, to the powerful Ministry of Interior. 

This position – a combination of the duties of the Attorney General and the Secretary of Homeland Security in the U.S. who also has charge over France’s police force – is one of the most prominent in France.  

Darmanin remains under investigation for a 2009 rape allegation as well, drawing criticism to Macron for selecting him to head one of the most powerful ministries in France.

Moreover, Darmanin has polarized the electorate with staunch support for French police that draws strong support from powerful police unions while alienating much of the left. Further, critics accuse Darmanin of playing into Islamophobia with inflammatory rhetoric and action, such as criticizing halal shelves in stores. 

Darmanin’s appointment and tenure already have proven to be controversial. Loathed by the left for many of his stances, Darmanin is viewed suspiciously by the right for his defection from the traditional conservative party, Les Républicains, to join Macron. Darmanin remains close to former conservative French president, Nicolas Sarkozy.  

In a vivid illustration of the Macron Administration’s rightward shift, Darmanin recently accused Le Pen of being soft on radical Islam. 

Many have portrayed the anti-separatism bill as a strategy on the part of Macron ahead of next year’s presidential election. Analysts predict that Macron’s most formidable opponent will be Marine Le Pen, the leader of the far-right National Rally Party. 

Facing a fractured field on the left, pundits predict Macron is trying to lure some right-leaning voters away from Le Pen through taking actions on some of the far right’s focal issues.

This has included rhetorical changes to emphasize law and order and the introduction of this anti-separatism legislation that many see as explicitly targeting Islam. Macron and his ministers have also begun warning against “Islamo-leftism” in speeches. Macron also supports a controversial security bill that would toughen restrictions on filming police. 

Political experts and analysts warn Macron’s rightward shift risks alienating those on the left who Macron needs to turn out in a run-off election against Le Pen. In response to Macron’s strategy and recent tactics, critics repeat versions of Macron’s past statements, cautioning against weaponizing laïcité.